Monday, 16 February 2015

Green-fingered Fantasy

























The Blether Region is tempted to compare certain recent pronouncements on how to promote Irish with a particularly pompous and ill-informed kind of gardening advice: "Of course I think it's important that you continue growing your geraniums, and I fully support your right to do so — just as long as you remember to do it without our light and water."

The latest is from Brian Walker, who writes thus on Slugger O'Toole:
"Is the Irish Language Bill progressive?  Although no doubt based on human rights arguments, in my book the institutional use of Irish in the public arena is profoundly reactionary, the politics of the 19th century. It runs directly counter to the creative adoption of the language for cultural enrichment and should be opposed regardless of the sectarian attitudes which coincide."
The Blether Region was pretty shocked to read that, and one might charitably suspect that Mr. Walker was reacting to some person-to-person abuse, which the Internet, wonderful in other ways, unfortunately facilitates. But is the dichotomy he posits a real one?

Not if one reads the academic literature, which is quite clear about the fact that no one ever saved a language — including for cultural use — by not using it, the state of affairs to which an enforced absence from public life would undoubtedly lead (in mitigation, and in the context somewhat bizarrely, Mr. Walker supports the use of Irish place-names on signage).

But what is the origin of his hypothesis, which seems also to be shared by other Unionist commentators? Well, partly it's because people don't talk to their neighbours, and since those who choose to live their lives, or part of them, through the medium of Irish are a minority even within the CNR community, it's hardly suprising that their views are misconstrued and their acumen ignored.

Partly, too, it is a product of the febrile nature of Northern Ireland, where cultural packages predominate and political commentators feel it is their duty to give their views on matters not considered particularly political in more normal societies.

Finally, it must also be due in some measure to the nature of Unionism, which historically subjugated culture to politics, ignoring a shared Gaelic inheritance and inventing in its stead a marching culture intended to keep what might otherwise have been momentary political affiliations frozen permanently.

Presumably the difference between supporting "institutional use" and "cultural enrichment" is thought somehow to mirror the political divide between Sinn Féin and the SDLP, and superficially there might be mileage in that argument. It is of course possible to use the cúpla focal in the Assembly without knowing Irish particularly well, or to Gaelicise one's name before becoming fluent in it. Indeed, it's even possible to make mercurial decisions about the promotion of the language on the sole basis of whether the structures are "all-Ireland". On the other hand, it's unlikely that there is any substantial group of self-denying "cultural" Irish enthusiasts who are fluent in the language and use it daily but feel that it should be excluded from the public arena.

And on that not only Sinn Féin and the SDLP but any Gaeilgeoir is likely to agree — including those of a Unionist background. And, of course, one doesn't need to be able to speak Irish to be in favour of it.

In that regard, it's worth looking at levels of public support for providing services through Irish: 70% in the South, and 54% in the North (with only 26% opposed).

If it's "profoundly reactionary", it's also a kind of Gaelic chauvinism that a substantial proportion of the PUL community doesn't seem particularly concerned about.

Tuesday, 3 February 2015

"Madness, yet there is method in't"

























DCAL has finally got around to publishing its strategies for Irish and Ulster Scots. The former's cover design is emerald green, while the latter's is royal blue — thus perpetuating unfortunate ethnic stereotypes that can only damage the speech varieties in question. In the case of Ulster Scots, the stereotyping is compounded by the fact that the document also covers "heritage" and "culture", matters likely to be of little interest to the quarter (or, more likely, third) of speakers that is CNR, and that may well alienate them.

It is also interesting, to say the least, that the strategies are being issued in bilingual format. When the drafts were issued for consultation, they were in English only. Many of the submissions made on Ulster Scots, as those familiar with the Northern Ireland situation would expect, lamented the obvious fact that so much of DCAL's translation output is literally incomprehensible to native users of the leid.

Indeed, it's also incomprehensible to the Blether Region, who has spent many years studying Scots, the reason being that the people who promote such parasitic cant — the leading clique of the Ulster-Scots Language Society — live in a world of their own, browbeating and overruling any fig-leaf native speakers whom they "consult" while simultaneously making vexatious complaints against people whose own translation skills are far superior.

It also cultivates political and bureaucratic support by claiming that it is the "representative" organisation for Ulster Scots. The USLS may in fact be representative of British-Israelites or unwitting former MI5 assets, but representative of ordinary speakers it clearly ain't.

Now that the strategy has been issued in its final form, it is bilingual — with the English alongside a totally inept USLS-style translation.

The Blether Region has a modest proposal to make on that front. Anyone rendering an official document in Ulster Scots and being paid for it out of public funds should be required to append their name and e-mail address to the published form of whatever they produce. The stipulation should be made a condition of their getting the work.

Auld Firm colours, ethnic packages, textual diarrhoea — so it goes. Although it is all redolent of some sort of strategy, one does wonder whose, and quite what it is intended to achieve.